Makanday Centre for Investigative Journalism - Zambia

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05/11/2025

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07.11.25

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K4 Billion in Unpaid Taxes Expose Gaps in ZRA EnforcementBy Gibson ZuluOver K4 billion in declared taxes remain unpaid, ...
04/11/2025

K4 Billion in Unpaid Taxes Expose Gaps in ZRA Enforcement

By Gibson Zulu

Over K4 billion in declared taxes remain unpaid, with liabilities from filed tax returns still unsettled — exposing serious lapses in revenue enforcement, possible corruption, and systemic weaknesses within Zambia’s tax system.

According to the 2025 Auditor General’s Report, tax returns amounting to K4.39 billion were filed with the Zambia Revenue Authority (ZRA) but, as of 31 August 2025, the corresponding liabilities had not been cleared.

The uncollected taxes include rental income tax amounting to about K6.4 million, withholding VAT of roughly K628 million, reverse VAT of K452 million, and value-added tax (VAT) totalling around K3.17 billion.

In addition, excise duty stood at about K131 million, insurance premium tax at K8.8 million, and tourism levy at approximately K1.5 million, bringing the total uncollected amount to over K4.39 billion.

The Zambia Revenue Authority (ZRA) has not yet responded to MakanDay’s request for comment. Efforts to obtain a statement from the Authority’s Public Relations Officer, Oliver N’Zala, have so far been unsuccessful.

In an interview with MakanDay, policy analyst Zondwa Duma warned that the failure to collect over K4 billion in taxes has serious fiscal implications for how the government raises and manages public funds.

He expressed hope that such loopholes in the tax system will be addressed to prevent future losses.

Gibson is an intern at MakanDay under the Free Press Initiative’s Journalism Graduate Internship Programme, which aims to promote excellence in journalism.

You can also read the full story by clicking on the link in the comment section.

04/11/2025

Gold Rush Brings Hope and Havoc in Muchinga Province

Despite government pledges to formalise small-scale mining, chaos and contamination continue to define Muchinga’s unfolding gold rush.

Across Mukungule and Kanyelele, fortune seekers have turned rivers into minefields, leaving behind polluted waters, poisoned fish, and broken promises.

“We used to drink this water,” says Idah Mupeta from Chipowe village. “Now even the goats hesitate.”

Read the full story in the comment section:

OPINION | Elections or Selections? Africa’s October Votes Signal Continuity Over ChangeIn October alone, three African c...
04/11/2025

OPINION | Elections or Selections? Africa’s October Votes Signal Continuity Over Change

In October alone, three African countries, Cameroon, Côte d’Ivoire, and Tanzania, went to the polls. Yet in all three cases, voters appear to have chosen continuity over change, or, as some critics argue, never really had a choice at all.

In Tanzania, the general elections held on 29 October 2025 saw President Samia Suluhu Hassan retain power after her two biggest challengers were disqualified from the race.

The move angered citizens and rights groups, who decried an intensifying crackdown on opposition members, activists, and journalists.

The ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), extended its six-decade dominance through another sweeping victory.

In Côte d’Ivoire, President Alassane Ouattara secured a fourth term with roughly 90 percent of the vote in the 25 October 2025 election. Turnout hovered around 50 percent, well below previous levels.

With major rivals such as Laurent Gbagbo and Tidjane Thiam barred from running, analysts described the outcome as a consolidation of power rather than a renewal of democracy.

In Cameroon, a presidential election on 12 October 2025 returned Paul Biya, now 92, to office with about 53 percent of the vote, continuing a rule that began in 1982.

His main challenger, Issa Tchiroma Bakary, rejected the result, citing irregularities ranging from inflated voter registers to polling-station relocations. Protests followed, leaving at least four people dead and dozens arrested.

The Tanzanian election carries direct implications for Zambia and the broader SADC region. Tanzania is often viewed as a bellwether for political freedom in East Africa, and its shrinking democratic space could influence norms across the continent.

While opposition groups and citizens express frustration over the outcomes, what many Africans, including Zambians crave are not merely electoral victories but structural reforms, changes that strengthen institutions rather than personalities.

Across the continent, governments change hands, yet the machinery of power, the statecraft through which authority is acquired, protected, and manipulated, remains largely the same.

As one Tanzanian observer quipped, “Our opposition is like a Wi-Fi signal, it exists, but you can’t always connect”. The remark captures a deeper truth: opposition politics cannot be effective when the playing field is invisible or uneven.

Until opposition parties build credible platforms, and ruling elites respect the independence of institutions, Africa’s elections will remain elaborate rituals of continuity. True democracy will not come from the ballot box alone, but from the courage to reform the systems that keep it empty.

MakanDay Investigates










Gold Rush Brings Hope and Havoc in Muchinga ProvinceDespite government pledges to formalise small-scale mining, chaos an...
31/10/2025

Gold Rush Brings Hope and Havoc in Muchinga Province

Despite government pledges to formalise small-scale mining, chaos and contamination continue to define Muchinga’s unfolding gold rush. Fortune seekers flood Muchinga’s rivers, leaving behind pollution, broken promises, and shattered communities.

By Sandra K***a

Across Muchinga, the lure of gold has turned rivers into dig sites and forests into camps, pitting survival against sustainability.

In Chipowe village, deep within Mukungule in Mpika district of northern Zambia, 32-year-old Idah Mupeta sits outside her grass-thatched hut, a container of discoloured water by her side.

“We used to drink this water,” she says quietly. “Now even the goats hesitate.”

Upstream at Kamabwe mine, gold is processed along the stream banks, releasing chemicals into the same water that once sustained her family.

In 2023, when gold was discovered in Mpika, hundreds of youths, joined by Tanzanian fortune-seekers, poured into areas like Kanyelele and Mukungule, setting up makeshift camps and digging by hand.

Along the Munenshi Stream in Mukungule, where the Kamabwe mine is located, this reporter saw a disturbing scene. Parts of the stream had been diverted by miners, its waters turned brown with a greyish film floating on the surface. Fallen trees, some uprooted, others freshly cut, littered the banks, while deep pits, some nearly four metres wide, scarred the landscape.

In an interview in Lusaka, Dr. Hapenga Kabeta, Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Mines, said illegal miners operating without licences fall under a national formalisation programme.

“They must obtain licences and get consent from the Department of National Parks and Wildlife, (if they’re to mine in the Game Management Area (GMA),” he said, adding that the application process has been simplified through an online mining cadastre system.

“A person can apply for a licence from wherever they are, as long as they have a phone that is Android compliant,” he said. “Instead of coming with the papers from wherever you are, we are now online.”

But on the ground, chaos reigns. At Kamabwe mine, 43-year-old miner Joseph Makungu described how they dig deep, curved pits and wash gold-bearing soil directly into the stream.

“A gram sells for about K1,800,” he said. “We borrow gold detectors, dig for days, and once we find gold, we wash the soil into the stream.”

Further downstream, Reuben and Isaac, who work for a gold buyer, admitted using mercury to speed up the process.

“We grind the soil and mix it with mercury to make the gold come together faster. Once it separates, we throw the waste water back into the river,” they said.

At Kanyelele, another mine in Mpika, one miner confessed that cyanide is sometimes used—“It works faster than mercury, but we just dig shallow pits near the river to dispose of the water”.

At the mine site itself, hundreds of people, mostly youths, had set up camp. Makeshift shelters stretched across the area, and the constant hum of locally made grinders, known as ifigayo, filled the air.

The impact of illegal mining at the two sites in Mpika has rippled across Muchinga Province and beyond and beyond, turning once-quiet villages into chaotic camps where the pursuit of gold has replaced farming and fishing.

In Kanchibiya, a neighbouring district of Mpika, the Kanchibiya River is a lifeline for thousands of residents who rely on it for irrigation, livestock, fishing, and household use. But locals say the river has changed drastically since mining began at the Kanyelele mine.

Although the mine lies outside Kanchibiya, the Kanyelele stream, a tributary of the Kanchibiya River, carries waste from the mining site downstream into nearby communities.
In a video obtained from Kanchibiya Member of Parliament Sunday Chanda, the Muombo village headman, Emmanuel Katongo, laments the pollution.

“We used to get plenty of fish here. Now, most days, we go back home empty-handed. We can no longer fish, the water is visibly dirty, trees around are drying, and sometimes fish float dead on the surface. Even goats and cattle are reluctant to drink,” he said.

An expert from the Water Resources Management Authority (WARMA) warned that pollutants from Munenshi could spread downstream through connected rivers. Although dilution may reduce concentration, the risk of contamination remains significant.

Regulatory failure and legal action

Government tests, including those by the Water Resources Management Authority (WARMA), have found dirty, polluted water with dangerous metals caused by illegal gold mining. Local health assessments also link mercury and cyanide exposure to frequent diarrhoea and other ailments among residents.

Professor Concillia Monde, an aquatic ecologist at Copperbelt University, said mercury remains liquid at room temperature and poses severe environmental and health risks. Once released into water systems, it converts into toxic methylmercury, contaminating rivers and sediments, depleting oxygen, and threatening aquatic life.

“Mercury accumulates in fish and magnifies up the food chain, damaging organs, impairing growth and reproduction, and disrupting microbial and ecosystem balance. It also reduces biodiversity. In humans, exposure to mercury through contaminated fish can cause neurological, cognitive, cardiovascular, and kidney damage,” she said.

Despite Zambia’s obligations under the SADC Protocol on Mining, regulators have struggled, or failed, to act. In frustration, Kanchibiya MP Sunday Chanda has sued ZEMA and WARMA, accusing them of neglecting their duties to protect the environment.

As dusk settles over Chipowe village, the Munenshi Stream glimmers faintly under the fading light, not with gold, but with the reflection of a community’s despair. For Mupeta and many others in Muchinga, the promise of the gold rush has turned into a daily struggle for survival, where the true price of gold is paid not in coins, but in poisoned rivers and lost livelihoods.

“This (Munenshi) stream provided water to many generations be it for drinking, irrigation, domestic use and livestock,” said Mupeta in Mukungule. “Today, the once-clear river is lined with mud, making the water appear unsafe.”

Sandra is a fellow under the Wildlife Crime Prevention (WCP) fellowship for journalists. The MakanDay Centre for Investigative Journalism, in partnership with WCP, provided training in investigative journalism skills and supported journalists in working on impactful stories that promote environmental protection and drive change.

! LAST CALL FOR ENTRIES !MakanDay Eminent Prize for Investigative ReportingYou have until midnight, 31 October 2025 (24:...
30/10/2025

! LAST CALL FOR ENTRIES !

MakanDay Eminent Prize for Investigative Reporting

You have until midnight, 31 October 2025 (24:00hrs) to submit your best investigative stories!

Don’t miss your chance to be recognised among Zambia’s finest journalists.

Your colleagues across the country have already entered — join them now!

Submission Guidelines

- Entries must uncover abuse of power, corruption, or expose injustice.

- Journalists may submit their own work or nominate another’s work (with their permission).

- Eligible entries must have been published or broadcast between 1st January and October 31st 2025.

- Non-English entries must include a translation.

- For print entries: include a scanned copy (and, if unclear, a transcript in Word or PDF).

- For broadcast entries (TV, radio, or online video): include a link or attach the file.

- All entries must include a biography and photo of the entrant(s).

- The awards are open to all Zambian journalists and MakanDay contributors. However, MakanDay journalists are not eligible to participate.

Submit entries to: [email protected]

Visit: MakanDay website https://makanday.org/

Note: The awards are open only to journalists based in Zambia.

Zambia’s Last Hardwoods Are Falling Faster Than the Law Can ActA trade so valuable it has drawn in chiefs, smugglers, an...
29/10/2025

Zambia’s Last Hardwoods Are Falling Faster Than the Law Can Act

A trade so valuable it has drawn in chiefs, smugglers, and international buyers — while forests fall.

By Ennety Munshya

At sunrise in Kanjelebende village under Chief Mulilo in Chama District, eastern Zambia, the buzz of chainsaws now replaces birdsong. To many residents, it is the sound of a forest vanishing, and with it, a way of life.

Once-shaded fields now lie open and bare, where mopani and misimbiti hardwoods stood for generations. These trees are more than timber, they are medicine, firewood, fertile soil, rainfall, and heritage.

Yet they are being cut at a pace communities say they have never witnessed before — driven by foreign buyers, cross-border syndicates, and a trade so lucrative that even traditional leaders have been drawn into it.

And as the forests fall, Zambia’s laws, enforcement systems, and forest data are struggling to keep up.

According to a source involved in forest enforcement, the impact is already visible. Local temperatures are rising, soils are drying, and some tree species are nearing extinction. This aligns with findings by the World Resources Institute (WRI), a global research organisation focused on environmental protection.

“Removal of forest cover, especially in the tropics, increases local temperatures and disrupts rainfall patterns in ways that compound the local effects of global climate change, threatening severe consequences for human health and agricultural productivity,” the WRI notes in its 2022 report on the effects of deforestation on climate.

Logging in Chama communities is as old as the forests themselves. Here, many families rely on the forest economy for food, medicine, firewood, housing and other essential uses.

But MakanDay has found that the landscape is rapidly changing. Foreign loggers from neighbouring Tanzania and Malawi, often working hand in hand with locals, have moved in, exploiting the forests on a scale that residents say they have never witnessed before. Despite government efforts to regulate timber harvesting, enforcement remains weak, and illegal mining is further compounding the destruction.

Once cut, much of the timber is moved through informal bush routes into Tanzania. From there, Dar es Salaam, the country’s main commercial hub, acts as a major transit point. The logs are then exported in bulk to China, now the dominant buyer of Zambia’s hardwoods, according to sources familiar with the trade.

The extensive destruction of forests is not only fueled by economic pressures and poor oversight, community leaders such as chiefs, are also cashing in.

Last year, a chief was arrested for harvesting timber in a game management area (GMA).

Between 2010 and 2017, Zambia’s log exports surged by more than 6,000 percent. China alone accounted for 99 percent of the trade, underscoring the overwhelming dominance of a single foreign market over the country’s forestry sector. This is according to a 2021 report by the Environmental Investigation Agency (EIA), which highlights the extent of the crisis.
Targeted species

The most targeted tree species in Chama include mopani, mupapa, and two high-value hardwoods locally known as misimbiti or African blackwood and leadwood. In Zambia, these misimbiti species grow naturally only in Chama district and in Sioma Ngwezi National Park in Western Province.

According to the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN), African blackwood is already experiencing a significant population decline driven by rising international demand. The specie is highly valued for its dark, dense heartwood used in the production of musical instruments, fine carvings, and luxury craftwork. This premium market value has made African blackwood one of the most targeted species for illegal logging. Globally, it is listed as near threatened, narrowly avoiding classification as vulnerable under IUCN’s Criterion A for population reduction.

However, African blackwood is not the only misimbiti species at risk. Leadwood, which shares the same local name, is also under increasing pressure from uncontrolled harvesting, even though it is not currently listed as threatened on the IUCN red list. While the shared name can cause confusion, it also highlights a broader conservation problem: both species are in high demand and could face serious depletion if management and enforcement are not urgently strengthened.

“The misimbiti is very scarce but fetches a very high price, which is why most people are after it. They look for it like they are looking for a precious mineral. Tanzanians are the ones after it mostly,” the source said.

The arrest of Chief Chikwa — a sign of how deep the crisis runs

The pressure on misimbiti has reached such a scale that it is now drawing in foreign loggers, mostly from Tanzania, where the species has become almost depleted.

In late March 2024, Chief Chikwa of the Senga people in Chama District was arrested on allegations that he was harvesting timber in a Game Management Area (GMA).

Although early media reports alleged that the Chief was involved in harvesting timber within the GMA and transferring his licence to foreign companies, he denied the accusations when approached for comment by MakanDay.

“... the truth was that I had a timber licence in placed and those trees that were cut I bought from the forestry department,” he said. “The timber that is harvested is usually bought by anyone, the locals, including foreign nationals – Tanzanians and the Chinese.”

The involvement of foreigners underlines how deeply entrenched and lucrative the illegal hardwood trade has become, extending beyond small-scale cutters to include cross-border syndicates and high-value export markets.

Timber licencing and forest inventory

In September 2022, the Ministry announced that it had issued 190 timber concession licences in the small- and medium-scale categories countrywide, out of 483 applications received.

Zambia’s last comprehensive forest inventory was conducted between 2012 and 2014 under the Integrated Land Use Assessment (ILUA). To date, ILUA remains the most recent national reference for forest resource data. This means that current harvesting decisions are based on decade-old information, putting rare and slow-growing tree species at higher risk of depletion because many have not been formally listed as protected.

Legal framework and penalties

The Forests Act No. 4 of 2015 governs the management, protection and utilization of forest resources in Zambia.

However, a source familiar with forest enforcement said illegal logging persists partly because penalties under the Forests Act are far less punitive than those in the Wildlife Act.

“The penalties under the two laws differ sharply. Under the Forests Act, illegal loggers can pay fines ranging from about K15,000 to K60,000, while wildlife crimes attract fines of up to K180,000 or jail terms of up to seven years,” the source explained.

He added that these relatively low fines have made illegal logging a low-risk, high-return business for well-resourced traffickers.

“The people we arrest are just frontliners. The real owners of the business are in Dar es Salaam waiting for the consignments. They have the money and equipment. Local people only get peanuts. They cut our timber and it’s gone.”

Challenges in enforcement

A shortage of manpower, transport and operational resources within the forestry department continues to undermine effective monitoring and enforcement.

Brighton Nyimbili, chairperson of the Tiyeseko Community Forest Management Group, confirmed that illegal harvesting remains widespread and is largely driven by foreign buyers.

“Keep in mind that these people have the capacity to pay the fines. The ones we are arresting are just frontliners. The real owners are in Dar es Salaam, waiting for the consignments. They have the equipment; our locals only get peanuts from these dealings. They cut our timber and off they go,” the source added.

He added that community efforts to safeguard forests are constrained by the sheer size of the area: “The forests we are expected to protect cover about 19,000 hectares, but we do not have adequate transport or other patrol resources.”

19,000 hectares is equivalent to about 27,000 football pitches.

As night falls in Kanjelebende village, the sound of chainsaws fades into silence. But for communities who depend on the forest, the loss echoes long after the trees are gone.

Gold, Copper — and SyphilisBy Linda Soko Tembo, Terence Katiki, and Stanley FwatakiSolwezi in northwestern Zambia was su...
27/10/2025

Gold, Copper — and Syphilis

By Linda Soko Tembo, Terence Katiki, and Stanley Fwataki

Solwezi in northwestern Zambia was supposed to be a town of opportunity. But beneath the shimmer of gold and copper lies a growing health crisis.

🔹 Over 1,390 STI cases recorded in just six months
🔹 422 pregnant women infected
🔹 30 babies born with congenital syphilis — a preventable tragedy

As thousands flock to Solwezi chasing quick money, poverty, transactional s*x, and unsafe relationships are silently fuelling a public health disaster. Young women are turning to s*x work to survive. Miners, truck drivers, and traders move in and out of town — but health services remain underused.

Now, with US$380 million in HIV/AIDS funding cuts, the fight against syphilis and other STIs is at risk.

“If proper treatment is not given, syphilis can easily be passed to unborn babies,” warns health official Innocent Musonda.

This is no longer just a medical story — it’s a story of inequality, survival, and lives caught between mineral wealth and silent suffering.

Read the full investigation by Radio Kabangabanga & MakanDay by clicking on the link in the comment section.

Gold, Chaos and Cooperatives: Can a Broken System Restore Order at Kikonge?As the nation marks its 61st Independence ann...
23/10/2025

Gold, Chaos and Cooperatives: Can a Broken System Restore Order at Kikonge?

As the nation marks its 61st Independence anniversary, we call on Zambians to pause, reflect on where we have come from, and consider the direction we are heading.

What has prompted this reflection is the government’s decision to place its hopes on cooperatives to manage the Kikonge gold mine and restore order, as we reported in our gold rush story. In principle, this is a worthwhile approach, but only if cooperatives are managed professionally.

A cooperative and its members are like two sides of the same coin, neither can succeed without the other. A cooperative needs committed, trustworthy members to thrive, and members need a well-managed and transparent cooperative to benefit.

Yet in Zambia today, well-functioning cooperatives are hard to find.

Cooperatives are meant to be member-owned, with profits shared among the members. However, many have been quietly taken over by private interests — including influential individuals, who retain control indefinitely, sidelining ordinary members and undermining the cooperative spirit.

But many cooperatives are formed solely to access Constituency Development Funds (CDF), agricultural inputs and other government grants. As a result, they often become vehicles for mismanagement and the diversion of public resources, rather than functioning as productive enterprises.

The cooperative model is not new to Zambia. It has existed for more than 108 years, first introduced in 1914 by European settler farmers in Northern Rhodesia, and later strengthened after independence under the United National Independence Party (UNIP).

During the UNIP era, cooperatives flourished with strong government support, legislation, and institutions such as the Zambia Cooperative Federation (ZCF), the Cooperative Bank and the Cooperative College.

However, the decline began in the early 1990s following economic liberalisation under the Movement for Multi-party Democracy (MMD), when government support and control were withdrawn. Since then, most cooperatives have struggled to survive or function effectively.

Studies conducted by reputable international bodies, the International Labour Organisation (ILO) in 2009 and the International Cooperative Alliance in partnership with the European Union (ICA/EU) in 2019, both reached similar conclusions - Zambia’s cooperative movement is largely weak, poorly governed and financially unstable.

These assessments found that most cooperatives are either dormant or non-performing, lack proper leadership structures, do not hold regular annual meetings, and operate without sound financial systems. Many survive only on paper, existing mainly to access government handouts rather than to operate as sustainable, member-driven businesses.

The reports also highlighted a lack of training, limited entrepreneurial skills among members, weak regulation and little accountability.

In short, despite its long history and potential, the cooperative sector in Zambia is failing to function as a viable economic model.

That said, cooperatives remain a powerful tool for rural development, job creation and poverty reduction, but reforms are urgently needed.

The way forward

Reviving the cooperative movement requires a deliberate and well-structured reform agenda. The first step is to relaunch the cooperative model for the 21st century, rather than merely encouraging the youth to form cooperatives without addressing past failures.

Reform should be guided by existing research and a review of the 2007 National Cooperative Development Policy. Institutional capacity must be strengthened, particularly within the Department of Cooperatives in the Ministry of Small and Medium Enterprises and the ZCF, through proper funding, staffing and technical support.

Government should also draw on experienced cooperative leaders and experts to guide reforms and mentor new cooperatives. Training must be mandatory for members, leaders and employees, covering governance, financial management and cooperative principles. Without this foundation, failure is inevitable.

At the same time, politicians must stop exploiting cooperatives for personal gain. When cooperatives are used as political tools, they become instruments of manipulation rather than empowerment, trapping communities in dependency and poverty.

Sectors with the highest potential for impact, such as agriculture, clean energy, mining, tourism, finance, construction and manufacturing, should be prioritised.

Unless cooperatives are restructured and managed professionally, the current rush to form youth and women cooperatives under CDF, now even to run mines, will only repeat the failures of the past.

Photo Credit | This image is AI-generated and used for illustration purposes only.

See more https://makanday.org/gold-chaos-and-cooperatives-can-a-broken-system-restore-order-at-kikonge/

“They Promise 60 Jobs, We Feed 3,000 People” - Palabana Farmers Resist Limestone MineBy Linda Soko TemboIn Palabana, a q...
23/10/2025

“They Promise 60 Jobs, We Feed 3,000 People” - Palabana Farmers Resist Limestone Mine

By Linda Soko Tembo

In Palabana, a quiet farming community east of Lusaka, tensions are rising over a proposed limestone mine. Chinese-owned Evergreat Mining says the project will create 60 jobs. But residents say it threatens a dairy industry that supports over 3,000 people, as well as farmland and critical Zesco power infrastructure nearby.

Evergreat holds a 20-year licence for 1,236 hectares in Nkomesha Chiefdom, valued at US$5 million. The size of the land is about 1,700 football pitches put together. However, the land is officially zoned for agriculture, and the Chongwe council previously rejected an application to convert it for mining.

Evergreat Investment and Company Limited, registered in 2019, is owned by Chinese nationals Shi Zhengyang and Qu Sen, who are listed as both directors and shareholders, according to PACRA records.

A MakanDay investigation found the proposed quarry is just 200 metres from Zesco’s high-voltage pylons that transmit electricity from Kariba to the Copperbelt.

Zesco says it will conduct a technical assessment before any mining begins. The Zambia Environmental Management Agency (ZEMA) has yet to decide whether the project will go ahead.

At a public hearing on October 3, dairy farmers, youths, business owners and civic leaders debated the project. Supporters, mostly young people and traders, welcomed promised jobs. Farmers pushed back, saying the mine would destroy grazing land, pollute water, and collapse an industry that produces 11,000 litres of milk daily, worth an estimated US$2.5 million a year.

Presenting on behalf the company, Evergreat engineer Timothy Goma said the company plans open-pit mining, extracting 83,000 tonnes of limestone per month.

“No explosives will be stored on-site. All blasting will be conducted by licenced experts and will follow strict safety and environmental protocols,” Goma assured.

He explained that the project site is located within Nkomesha Chiefdom, approximately 20 kilometres south of Chongwe town and 5 kilometres off Leopards Hill Road, near Palabana University, Palabana Market and Cross Park gated community.

But according to the company’s own Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA), the land-use change must still be approved before a quarry licence can be issued. Goma confirmed the first application was rejected.

After the hearing, a dairy farmer, who requested anonymity, explained that Palabana was initially established as a government resettlement scheme for dairy farming. Today, the community produces around 11,000 litres of milk each day, or roughly 300,000 litres a month, generating an estimated US$2.5 million annually.

“While the mine is proposing to create 60 jobs, the dairy industry already supports more than 3,000 people in and around Palabana,” the farmer said.

He added that in 2023, the developer applied to the Chongwe Council to change the land use from agriculture to mining, but the request was rejected because the area is zoned for agricultural purposes.

“Now in 2025, the project has resurfaced. Despite strong community opposition, the company is still pushing to proceed,” he said.

The EIA lists possible benefits such as jobs and local business opportunities. But it also warns of land degradation, air and water pollution, noise, soil erosion and irreversible landscape changes.

The proposed site is close to informal stone-crushing activities that many families, including children, depend on for income. Residents fear they will be displaced if large-scale mining goes ahead.

While the report claims that many of these impacts could be mitigated through strong environmental management plans, it concedes that permanent changes to the landscape would be unavoidable.

The area is dotted with large quarry stones and lies close to a community where many residents rely on small-scale stone crushing for survival.

Families, including children as young as 9 to 12 years old, are often seen helping to crush stones at household level. Once a large company assumes control of quarry operations, however, these local residents risk losing their only source of income.

Zesco Managing Director, Justin Loongo, confirmed to MakanDay that the power utility will conduct a detailed technical assessment before any mining begins.

“We need to have a look at the site and see what is obtaining on the ground. Before blasting starts, all necessary tests must be done to assess the impact on the surroundings,” Loongo said.

Speaking on behalf of Senior Chieftainess Nkomeshya Mukamambo II, Princess Cholwe Nkomesha said the royal establishment has formally opposed the mine.

She cited the Kasisi mine as an example of how similar projects have led to air pollution and environmental degradation.

“In Kasisi, the community has not benefited despite initial promises. The mine operates 20 to 30 trucks every day, causing dust and disruption. We cannot repeat the same mistake in Palabana,” she said.

She added that the chiefdom supports development — but not at the expense of livelihoods and the environment.

ZEMA’s Acting Principal Inspector Tobias Kanyanga said the project is still under review.

“The ZEMA board, which meets once a month, will review the hearing report and either approve or reject the project. Once a decision is made, a letter will be issued explaining the reasons,” Kanyanga said.

He added that by law, ZEMA must communicate its decision to the community within 15 days after the board meeting.

“The project is still under the EIA process. The public hearing is just one component that informs the final decision,” he said.

For Palabana residents, the debate is not just about development, it’s about survival

See more https://makanday.org/they-promise-60-jobs-we-feed-3000-people-palabana-farmers-resist-limestone-mine/

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