Makanday Centre for Investigative Journalism

09/10/2025

Power, Politics, and Procurement: How ZAMMSA Lost Its Independence

This two-part investigation by MakanDay exposes how Zambia’s central medical supply agency, ZAMMSA, descended into chaos, from political capture and procurement manipulation to a multimillion-kwacha drug scandal that has left the country’s healthcare system vulnerable.

Part I

By Charles Mafa | MakanDay Investigates

• The Zambia Medicines and Medical Supplies Agency (ZAMMSA) has become a hub of kickbacks and political patronage, with procurement authority increasingly diverted from the agency to the Ministry of Health, and in some cases, even to State House.

• Insiders suggest that ZAMMSA’s apparent “failures” may be strategic. By portraying the agency as ineffective, procurement functions could be deliberately shifted back to the Ministry, creating yet another layer of political opportunity and control.

ZAMMSA, the country’s central agency for procuring, storing and distributing essential drugs and medical supplies, has seen eight Director Generals (DGs) in just four years, including several in acting capacities. This revolving door at the top reflects deep institutional instability and the absence of continuity in leadership.

The list of former DGs include Billy Mweetwa, who served for one year from August 2022 to August 2023, and Victor Nyasulu, who held the position from November 2023 until July 2024, when he was suspended following a scandal involving 61 trucks marooned at Chirundu border. Others who have since acted in the role include Chipopa Kazuma (who acted after Chikuta Mbewe was fired in 2021), Dr Peter Mwaba, Luke Alutuli, Nalishebo Siyandi, Dr. John Kachimba, and the current acting Director General, Jane Banda Chisanga.

By law, the Ministry of Health’s role ends with the appointment of the ZAMMSA board, which is then responsible for hiring the DG. The failure to appoint a functional board creates a governance vacuum that effectively hands power to the Ministry of Health.

Without a board, the Ministry acts as both regulator and implementer, bypassing normal checks and balances. This arrangement ensures that key decisions, including DG appointments and dismissals, remain politically driven.

According to a key insider, the Ministry of Health, working closely with powerful officials at State House, continues to maintain direct control over senior appointments and procurement processes, undermining the agency’s independence.

“When there is no board in place, the Minister (of Health) effectively becomes the board,” said one of the sources, a former Director General.

The Ministry of Health has not yet responded to MakanDay’s request for comment, including questions on when the ZAMMSA board will be appointed.

“ZAMMSA is where the money is and where there’s money, there’s opportunity for kickbacks,” a source close to the agency disclosed under condition of anonymity.

So, at the moment, a lot of issues are pending due to the governance gaps, he added.

MakanDay’s investigation, based on insider interviews and access to documents, has found that part of the crises leading to recent sackings and arrests can be traced back to 11 December 2023. On that date, the agency launched a “mop-up” procurement exercise to address drug shortages by purchasing ex-stock medicines.

“Mop-up procurement exercise” means that the agency conducted a rapid, unscheduled purchase of medicines (ex-stock), likely to cover shortages or spend leftover funds, which may have opened opportunities for irregularities or corruption.

Officially, the exercise aimed to stabilise supply chains disrupted by the Patriotic Front (PF)’s era of drug debt and scandals such as Honeybee’s expired and substandard medical supplies. However, concerns soon emerged such as altered documents, inconsistencies in the number of bidders, doubts about suppliers’ actual stock availability and shelf life, as well as signs of collusion among suppliers.

According to ZAMMSA’s records seen by MakanDay, contracts worth K700 million were awarded to 24 companies. But insiders claim the real figure was K685 million, while other documents show inflated totals of up to K1.4 billion.

The record show that the Zambia Public Procurement Authority (ZPPA) reportedly advised ZAMMSA to issue a brief national call advertised for only seven days targeting suppliers and manufacturers holding ex-stock. Respondents were required to submit basic information, including product description, total quantities available and expiry dates.

Priority was to be given to products with high public health impact and a remaining shelf life of at least 80%.

Notably, the procurement was executed under the Limited Bidding method, using a prequalified shortlist of bidders, in accordance with the Public Procurement Act No. 8 of 2020.

While the initiative was intended to fast-track the availability of medicines, concerns remain about the transparency, fairness, and integrity of the process.

On Wednesday, 20 December 2023, ZAMMSA issued enquiries to prequalified bidders for the supply and delivery of essential medicines, medical supplies, anti-cancer medicines, adjuvants, and reproductive health commodities. From the initial call for bids, 31 companies were shortlisted.

According to the original mop-up exercise document seen by MakanDay, Maz Pharmaceuticals Limited, Lab Galore Limited, Inter Med Pharmaceuticals Limited, and Lumumba Pharmaceuticals did not submit their bids. Consequently, only 27 bidders participated in the final stage of the process.

The document further indicates that the Management Procurement Committee recommended that Director of Supply Planning, be granted authority to award and negotiate contracts for products whose prices exceeded the 10% threshold.

The director was also directed to retender contracts for essential and overpriced medical commodities, including anti-cancer medicines and reproductive health products. The recommendation was subsequently forwarded to ZAMMSA management for action.

The total value of the procurement was estimated at over K1.1 billion (K1,121,025,619.09), with a stipulated delivery period ranging from ex-stock to a maximum of six weeks, following completion of the mop up exercise.

After the exercise was concluded, the report was submitted to ZAMMSA. At the request of the then Director General, Victor Nyasulu, the agency’s Internal Audit Department conducted a further due diligence review of the K1.2 billion mop-up procurement.

Findings from ZAMMSA’s due diligence report

MakanDay has established that the due diligence report analysed by ZAMMSA’s Internal Audit Department, which aimed to verify the 27 companies shortlisted for contract awards through checks on stock availability, shelf life, and other compliance factors, also included Lumumba Pharmaceuticals, bringing the total number of companies assessed to 28.

However, Lumumba Pharmaceuticals was not among the officially shortlisted companies, as it did not submit a bid during the mop-up exercise.

According to the report, out of about K730 million (K729,508,077.67) worth of stock assessed, only K384 million (K384,091,808.42) worth of medicines and medical supplies had a shelf life above 80%.

The exercise further revealed indications of possible supplier collusion and coercive practices, as several suppliers reported that portions of their stock were being kept at other premises or by sister companies. This pattern was particularly common among smaller suppliers. However, the report noted that no evidence was provided to confirm ownership of the stock allegedly stored at these alternative locations.

In some cases, suppliers claimed their stock was held at premises belonging to companies that had also participated in the same tender process.

Publicly available information on ZAMMSA’s official website shows that the agency awarded contracts worth approximately K700 million to 24 local suppliers under the mop-up initiative, which was aimed at urgently addressing shortages of essential medicines and medical supplies at secondary and tertiary health facilities across the country.

Yet, behind the official numbers lie questions about altered documents, inflated figures, and opaque decision-making. The audit findings, internal memos, and accounts from insiders all point to a procurement system vulnerable to political interference and manipulation.

In Part II, MakanDay digs deeper into the politics behind the procurement chaos — how ministerial interference, favoured suppliers, and a mysterious truck scandal combined to topple ZAMMSA’s leadership and expose systemic rot at the heart of Zambia’s drug supply chain.

08/10/2025

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08/10/2025

In Zambia’s Governance Machine, Kingsley Chanda Is Just the Latest Meal

Today, MakanDay turns its attention to a matter that cuts to the heart of our governance crisis, a story that asks why the case of former Zambia Revenue Authority (ZRA) Commissioner General Kingsley Chanda exposes a broken system that no one seems willing to fix.

Just like that, Chanda is behind bars, eaten by the very system that he tried to protect. He was sentenced to six years with hard labour for breaching procedure in the disposal of 22 government vehicles. Alongside him, Callistus Kaoma, the former ZRA Director for Administration, received a nine-year sentence with hard labour.

Delivering judgment on Monday, Lusaka Acting Chief Resident Magistrate Sylia Munyinya-Okoh convicted the two in some of the 22 counts and acquitted them in others, citing insufficient evidence.

In mitigation, Chanda’s lawyer pleaded for leniency, reminding the court that his client had served the country with diligence and has a sick mother.

But here’s the uncomfortable truth: those who hold public office often forget that their decisions carry life-and-death consequences.

Some of their choices have sent millions to early graves, denied thousands access to medical care, and robbed countless children of education.

These are not just bureaucratic errors, they are acts that kill silently, leaving people alive but without dignity, hope, or opportunity.

The headlines in Chanda’s case may say justice has been served. But we say, beneath the courtroom drama lies a deeper story about how power really works in Zambia, and how our governance system punishes the obedient while shielding the powerful.

During the trial we learned that some of those vehicles ended up in the hands of archbishops and ruling-party figures. Yet when the verdict came, only Chanda faced the consequences.

He did not act alone. Like many senior public servants, he operated under a system where orders from above override procedure and where refusing such orders can end a career overnight. In the end, Chanda was punished not for greed, but for obedience.

Where are the people who issued those directives? Where are the beneficiaries who drove away in government vehicles?

They never appeared in court, not even to accompany Chanda to court during trial.

This is the heart of Zambia’s governance crisis: a system that protects political patrons and sacrifices technocrats.

Every administration pledges to fight corruption, yet enforcement agencies, Anti-Corruption Commission, Drug Enforcement Commission, Auditor General, and others, rarely touch those closest to power.

Public service today runs on fear. Civil servants know that if they follow procedure, they risk being branded “uncooperative”. If they follow political orders, they risk prison. It is a lose-lose cycle that corrodes professional integrity and institutional independence.

When leaders like Chanda fall, it is not only their reputations that collapse, it is the credibility of the institutions they once led.

This is how scandals at Zambia Medicines and Medical Supplies Agency fester. It is how mining licences slip quietly into protected forest areas. It is how national budgets get manipulated through hidden hands.

Each episode tells the same story: political capture of public institutions. The result is paralysis, cynicism, and a widening gap between government rhetoric and reality.

If Zambia truly wants to end this culture of selective justice, reform must begin at the top, not at the ballot box. Real change will not come with another election in 2026. We have seen this cycle before, where promises of reform fade the moment power changes hands.

The reforms Zambia needs are clear and urgent.

First, the law must be able to hold political leaders criminally accountable for issuing unlawful directives to civil servants.

Second, institutions must be empowered to act independently, so that technocrats can say “no” to political pressure without fear of dismissal.

Third, investigations must reach every level of power, not just the convenient scapegoats.

Finally, parliament must reclaim its oversight role, ensuring that ministers and the executive are answerable to the people, not the other way around.

The Chanda case is not about one man’s guilt. It is about a nation’s moral compass. Until those who give illegal orders face the same scrutiny as those who carry them out, justice in Zambia will remain partial, politicised, and performative.

Chanda may have broken the law, but he did not break it alone. The question we should all be asking is simple:

Who gave the order?

Until that question is answered, Zambia’s governance will continue to devour its own, and the promise of reform will remain just another headline.

07/10/2025

This week in the Bulletin & Record

Alick Nkhata’s Musical Legacy

The multilingual musician who wrote songs that transcended social and cultural divides and helped build national unity

By Walima T. Kalusa

Many people in Zambia today may not have heard of Alick Nkata, let alone know about his enormous contribution to the growth of the country’s music industry. However, Mr Nkhata, whose illustrious musical career spanned the pre- and post-independence era, not only pioneered popular music in the early 1950s, but, up to his demise in the mid-1970s, was the undisputed champion of that genre of music in Zambia, if not in the entire central Africa.

A household name throughout the region in the 1950s and 1960s, he animated the lives of thousands of people who attended his concerts or listened to his songs on radio. Indeed, many people of his generation - including the author’s parents - still have fond memories of the guitarist-singer and continue to sing his songs in times of merry-making. In this sense, his music still lives on today.

Who was Alick Nkhata and what made his music so popular?

Mr Nkhata was born in 1922 in Kasama in the Northern Province of what was then Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia). He was an offspring of a cross-ethnic marriage between a Tonga father and a Bemba mother, whose beliefs and culture would later be reflected in her son’s music. Little is known about his early life, save for the fact that the future artist had an abiding passion for music from childhood.

After leaving school, he trained as a teacher but, after the outbreak of the Second World War, enlisted in the Kings African Rifles under the East African Division. Like many Zambian men of his generation, he saw action in the Far East, notably in Burma. Unfortunately, there is no documented account of his experiences there.

Mr Nkhata seems to have begun singing and playing an acoustic guitar as a teenager, a hobby that his mother appeared to have keenly nurtured. His singing career, however, really took off after the end of the war when, following demobilisation in 1946, the upcoming artist worked as a field music recording assistant under Hugh Tracy, the famous British ethnomusicologist.

Credited with “inventing” the Kalimba, a version of the Imbari, a Shona hand-held musical instrument, Mr Tracy travelled the length and breadth of central and southern Africa with Mr Nkhata recording traditional African music from 1946 to 1949. Mr Tracy, who founded the International Library of African Music in 1954 to record traditional music in central and southern Africa, fervently believed that unless such music was recorded and thus preserved, it could wither away under the pressures of colonialism with its offshoots of westernisation, labour migration, urbanisation and Christianity.

By all accounts, Mr Nkhata came to share Mr Tracy’s belief in the value of preserving authentic African music for the sake of posterity. Together, they toured many parts of colonial Zambia, Malawi and Zimbabwe making high quality field recordings of indigenous songs and documenting local musical instruments. Mr Nkhata’s devotion to preserving African traditional music outlived his work with Mr Tracy. Long after the departure of his British mentor from Northern Rhodesia in 1949, Mr Nkhata continued to record traditional songs for the Central African Broadcasting Service (CABS), which he joined as an announcer-translator in 1950.

In 1963, CABS, the forerunner of the present-day Zambia National Broadcasting Corporation, sponsored him to study broadcasting with the Voice of America (VOA) in Washington, US. While there, he became one of the earliest hosts of the African Panorama programme on the VOA English to Africa service. Three years later, Mr Nkhata rose to the rank of director of broadcasting and cultural services at CABS, a position he held up to his retirement in 1974.

Our protagonist did not only record other musicians’ music. He himself was also an accomplished solo guitarist who composed, sang and recorded his own songs. To promote his singing career, he joined hands in the 1950s with Shadrack Soko and Dick Sapseid, an accomplished musician and British broadcaster at CABS, and together they formed the Lusaka Radio Band, which they later rechristened as the Big Gold Six Band.

The band’s songs were played regularly on radio. Mr Nkhata continued to churn out music even after CABS’s offices were relocated to colonial Harare in modern Zimbabwe during the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. After moving to Harare, he teamed up with leading local musicians there such as Elias Banda, regularly touring and performing music across the country during his free time.

At the height of his singing career in the 1950s and 1960s, Mr Nkhata composed and recorded numerous songs. His most popular hits included Shalapo (Goodbye), Ifilamba (Tears), Tax driver, Icupo (Marriage), Nalikwebele Sonka (I Warned You, Sonka), Balelila Pendeka (Crying for Pendeka), Abalumendo bamo (Some Gentlemen) and Uluse lwalil eNkwale (Kindness Killed the Partridge), all of which he sang in ChiBemba. He also sang songs in Nyanja, Lunda, Chewa, Kaonde, Tumbuka and Nsengaand in Swaka.

Mr Nkhata’s ability to sing in so many different languages aptly attested to the versatility of the born-musician and to his conviction that music transcended linguist barriers.

As the titles of his hits suggest, his songs, a number of which he composed and sang on the spur of the moment, were avivid commentary on a wide variety of social issues in 1950s and 1960s Northern Rhodesia. As an American anthropologist who met him in the 1950s observed, Mr Nkhata sang of rural and urban life, of s*x, of love and of loneliness, and so on.

In Abalumendo bamo, for example, the “Dreamer of Songs,” as Nkhata called himself, warned young men against wasting money on Bakapenta - that is prostitutes who painted their lips. In another popular hit, he sang of awkward, ignorant wives from rural areas who brought shame upon their urban husbands by cooking tea leaves as if they were vegetables.

But Mr Nkhata often also sang of more serious issues. In 1966, for instance, he composed a song in praise of Zambia’s First National Development Plan that sought to improve state management of the economy, education and cultural development.

Similarly, before his death in the 1970s, he composed a song in which he challenged the international community to remove from power the illegal white minority regime of Ian Smith in Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe). Whether satirical, sentimental or melancholic, Mr Nkhata’s songs no less entertained than educated his fans. Eyewitnesses recall that people who attended his concerts would be laughing one moment and crying the next, depending on the nature of the songs the talented musician played.

By the time he retired to his farm in Mkushi in 1974, Mr Nkhata had recorded thousands of songs that included his and other musicians’ music. Through his own art, he championed peaceful coexistence, for his music transcended barriers of ethnicity, racism and other related “isms” that sow seeds of social discord in society. Indeed, some of his songs in the 1950s ridiculed the exploitation of Africans, colour bar and racial discrimination, but they were never recorded due to the political temperature of the day. Even in retirement, Mr Nkhata continued composing and singing at his farm. He eventually became a member of the Performing Rights Society, an umbrella body of artists based in the UK from which his family continues to derive royalties for his music.

Mr Nkhata was killed at his farm by Ian Smith’s forces from Southern Rhodesia in 1978 during a raid against a nearby camp of nationalist fighters under the Zimbabwe African Peoples Union (ZAPU). His demise, however, failed to extinguish his music, which continues to be played on radio programmes at ZNBC, where his recordings are localised. His music also lives on through the efforts of his son, David, who inherited his father’s love for composing, singing and recording songs. David Nkhata, who continues to live on his late father’s farm in Mkushi and who vehemently opposes computerised music, is poised to release a new album before the end of 2012, thus carrying on the family tradition of singing and entertaining people.

Although no serious study has been carried out on Mr Nkhata, he is certainly a towering figure in the history of Zambian music and that of the country as a whole. Through his unequalled efforts to record his own and other musicians’ art, he preserved and bequeathed thousands of songs to the nation and to posterity. His songs, transcending social and cultural divides, further cultivated a sense of national unity, social cohesion and identity.

In this sense, Mr Nkhata’s art became a potent symbol of nation-building both before and after his tragic end. His music possessed teachings that are as relevant to contemporary Zambian society as they were to previous generations. It is no wonder that it still attracts the attention of many Zambians today irrespective of their linguistic, ethnic and historical backgrounds. Through music, the composer, teacher, entertainer and social critic educated multitudes of people, drawing their attention to social issues, and, after independence, pressing political problems. His art also broke ethnic and other barriers and was an important element in nation-building after independence. For all these reasons, his name deserves to be etched in Zambia’s hall of fame.

This story was first published in the October 2012 edition of the Bulletin and Record magazine.

07/10/2025

Zambia’s 2026 Budget Faces Reality Test — Economist Flags Risk of Instability

By Linda Soko Tembo

An economist has described this year’s K223 billion national budget as a “feel-good” and politically motivated budget, saying it prioritises popularity over prudence and raises serious concerns about economic realism, sustainability, and the government’s ability to deliver on its promises without triggering instability.

In an interview with MakanDay, Yusuf Dodia observed that the government is projecting a 25% increase in income tax, along with significant rises in Paye As You Earn (PAYE) and Value Added Tax (VAT) collections, targets he described as unrealistic, given Zambia’s slow job creation and limited private-sector growth.

Pre-election populism

Dodia noted that, despite increased allocations to social protection, job creation, and infrastructure, the mining sector, Zambia’s main revenue source, remains largely under-addressed, with only a marginal increase in mineral royalty revenues.

He explained that the overall structure and tone of the 2026 budget reflect President Hakainde Hichilema’s address to Parliament on 12 September 2025, which emphasised improving citizens’ livelihoods.

According to Dodia, the budget’s spending plan appears strategically aligned to boost public support ahead of the general elections. However, he cautioned that while the spending intentions may be popular, the means of financing them remain unclear.

Dodia explained that the revenue targets for 2026 appear highly ambitious, with income tax collections projected to rise from K65 billion in 2025 to K82 billion in 2026, an increase of 25%. Similarly, PAYE is expected to grow from K26 billion to K31 billion, while VAT collections are forecast to rise from K48 billion to K54 billion over the same period.

“If that’s the case, it means a lot more businesses will have to pay income tax in 2026 much more than we saw in 2025,” he said. “That would suggest a healthier and more productive economy, but I am not sure how achievable that is, it might be a bit ambitious.”

“For example, PAYE brought in K26 billion in 2025, and the target for 2026 is K31 billion an increase of K4 billion or about 6 percent. To raise that K4 billion, it would require creating roughly 1.6 million new low-income jobs, which is a difficult number to turn into reality,” he added.
Dodia said another area of concern is the shift in financing sources. While the government plans to reduce foreign financing from K19 billion to K12 billion, a 34% drop, domestic borrowing is expected to rise sharply from K15 billion to K21 billion, representing a 41% increase.

“This raises the risk of crowding out the private sector this is going to be a tough year I think in terms of general economic stability and growth,” he said.
Dodia explained that despite its ambitious spending, the 2026 budget fails to address key structural issues necessary for long-term economic growth. He noted with concern that there was no mention of the Export Proceeds Tracking Framework (EPTF), a system that has been instrumental in stabilising foreign currency inflows.

The EPTF, an initiative of the Bank of Zambia, requires all exporters to channel their earnings through Zambian bank accounts within 90 days of shipment. The framework enhances transparency, strengthens the bank’s oversight of foreign exchange flows, and improves financial management by allowing for the tracking and reconciliation of export proceeds against declarations made to the Zambia Revenue Authority (ZRA).

“There was silence from both the President and the Minister of Finance on the EPTF, and that’s worrying,” Dodia said. “If this mechanism is revoked or weakened, the country could face serious foreign exchange shortages.”

He added that signs of pressure on the foreign exchange market are already visible. The BoZ’s recent proposal to enforce the use of the Kwacha in local transactions has been interpreted by some as a reflection of growing concern over dollarisation and limited forex availability.

“If foreign exchange was abundant, there would be no need to enforce such rules,” he said. “The fact that this is happening suggests we’re bracing for a shortage. If the EPTF isn’t maintained, the kwacha could easily slide to between K28 and K30 per US dollar.”

Dodia concluded that while the 2026 budget promises broad-based benefits for citizens, the ability to deliver them without triggering fiscal or macroeconomic instability remains a serious challenge.

He described it as a typical pre-election budget, noting that allocations to certain sectors such as the Constituency Development Fund have increased despite persistent concerns over misuse and mismanagement. Social protection programmes such as the Social Cash Transfer and the Farmer Input Support Programme under the e-voucher system have also received notable increases.

“The government has expanded initiatives like the Cash for Work programme and school feeding schemes, alongside a boost in public-sector employment, with more teachers and health workers recruited this year and plans for additional hiring next year,” he said. “Substantial funding has also been directed toward the construction of new health centres and the expansion of schools.”

However, Dodia emphasised that the mining sector, the so-called ‘elephant in the room,’ remains largely untouched. Despite its importance to the economy, the only movement is a marginal rise in mineral royalty revenues from K17 billion in 2025 to K18 billion in 2026, raising questions about whether the sector is being adequately leveraged for national development.

05/10/2025

OPINION: What is with the voters?

Voters seem to be reversing their decisions — and perhaps their hopes, too.

In Malawi, voters reversed their decision of five years ago, when they removed Prof. Peter Mutharika from office, by returning him to the presidency in the September 2025 election.

He won with about 56.8% of the vote, defeating incumbent Lazarus Chakwera. Malawi thus becomes the fourth African country to re-elect a former president.

Just last year, in December 2024, Ghana brought back former President John Dramani Mahama, who defeated his main rival, Vice President and ruling-party candidate Mahamudu Bawumia.

In Benin, Mathieu Kérékou lost power in 1991 but returned to win the presidency again in 1996, and was re-elected in 2001.

A similar development occurred in Somalia, though under a different system. In May 2022, the Somali parliament re-elected former President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud to a new term.

What is surprising in all this is the trust that voters have shown in Malawi and Ghana—the belief that a politician who once held office can suddenly return as a national saviour.

Voters often express frustration that leaders who promise transformation quickly fall short once in office.

In Zambia, as elsewhere, citizens are growing impatient with leaders who fail to deliver on jobs, the cost of living, corruption, and basic services.

This impatience fuels nostalgia for former presidents or earlier governments, with some believing that returning a familiar figure might bring stability, experience, or simply a change from the disappointments of the present.

There is a similarity here with the Gospel passage in Luke 7:31–35, where Jesus compares the people of his generation to children in the marketplace—never satisfied, rejecting both John the Baptist and the Son of Man despite the different ways in which each came.

In the same way, voters today often find excuses for the failures of politicians while refusing to take responsibility for their own role.

In a democracy, change does not come from politicians alone. Politicians respond to pressure, accountability, and the demands of the people.

Voters must move beyond nostalgia or frustration and recognise their own responsibility: to organise, to hold leaders accountable, and to demand results. Without that pressure, even the most well-meaning leaders will fail to deliver.

Democracy works best when voters stop waiting for a political “messiah” and instead act as the driving force that compels politicians to serve the public good.

Makanday Centre for Investigative Journalism - Zambia

09/10/2025

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